Author of the Report: Jamshed Yorov, Senior Lawyer at FDDCA
March 5, 2025, Vilnius, Lithuania.
Introduction
“I am not afraid because the truth is on my side.”
The Foundation for the Defence of Democracy in Central Asia presents this report on the 10th anniversary of the assassination of Umarali Kuvvatov. This document provides an in-depth analysis of the transnational repression carried out by the Tajik regime, aiming to draw the attention of the international community to the systematic suppression of dissent, which the Tajik authorities have turned into a well-established mechanism.
Transnational repression has become a key instrument for authoritarian regimes seeking to neutralize their opponents beyond national borders. In this context, Tajikistan, under the leadership of Emomali Rahmon, has emerged as one of the leading perpetrators of extraterritorial persecution against political activists, opposition figures, journalists, and human rights defenders. Utilizing various methods of transnational repression, the Tajik regime engages in abductions, extraditions, torture, enforced disappearances, threats, and even political assassinations to eliminate any resistance. Many victims have been denied fair trials, with their cases fabricated under false accusations of terrorism and extremism. Moreover, numerous Western countries, despite their declared commitment to human rights protection, have at times become complicit in these repressions by denying political refugees asylum and extraditing them to Tajikistan, where they face inevitable persecution and execution.
The assassination of Kuvvatov was not an isolated act—it was part of a policy that has expanded on a global scale, encompassing Russia, Turkey, Belarus, and even the countries of the European Union.
This report serves as a call to action, a reminder that the impunity of authoritarian regimes threatens not only their own citizens but also the very principles of democracy worldwide.
On the evening of March 5, 2015, in a quiet neighborhood of Istanbul, far from his homeland of Tajikistan, Umarali Kuvvatov—a successful businessman and leader of the opposition movement Group 24—was shot dead by an agent of the Tajik security services in front of his family. This gunshot ended the life of a 47-year-old opposition figure and marked the beginning of a new era in Tajikistan’s political landscape: an era in which Emomali Rahmon’s regime demonstrated its readiness to eliminate critics beyond the country’s borders, employing not only direct violence but also pressure on their families. For Rahmon’s regime, this assassination was a display of power and impunity, affirming its ability to eliminate opponents abroad without facing serious consequences. It was not a random act of violence but the culmination of a transnational policy of suppressing dissent, which by 2025 had evolved into a fully developed system operating without geographical limitations.
Kuvvatov was not merely a target of the regime. His entrepreneurial success and bold criticism of corruption at the highest levels of power made him a symbol of resistance. Founding Group 24 in 2012, he called for peaceful reforms and opposed Rahmon’s authoritarian rule. After being forced to flee Tajikistan, he continued his struggle from abroad, using public speeches and social media to expose abuses of power. This enraged Dushanbe, turning his persecution into a matter of principle. His assassination in Turkey, where he had sought refuge, exposed the vulnerability of Tajik opposition figures even beyond their homeland and underscored the regime’s brutal determination to eradicate any threats, including by exerting pressure on the families of activists.
Kuvvatov lived a nomadic existence, moving from one country to another—Russia, the UAE, Turkey—in an attempt to evade persecution. His activism made him a symbol of resistance but also the primary target of the regime. Despite the threats, he continued to speak out, declaring: “I am not afraid because the truth is on my side.” This unwavering resolve ultimately led to his tragic death, which became a turning point in the history of Tajik repression.
Kuvvatov’s murder sent shockwaves through the Tajik diaspora and drew international attention, but it did not halt the repression. On the contrary, it marked the beginning of a new wave of transnational operations aimed at crushing the opposition. Over the years, dozens of activists have been abducted, deported, or murdered in Russia, Turkey, Belarus, and even EU countries, while their relatives in Tajikistan have faced systematic persecution. This case became a mirror reflecting Rahmon’s ambitions and his willingness to collaborate with other authoritarian regimes to maintain his grip on power.
By 2015, transnational repression had taken shape as a sophisticated system incorporating abductions, forced deportations, enforced disappearances, targeted assassinations, and blackmail through the families of opposition figures. The regime exploited international tools such as Interpol to issue arrest warrants and relied on the support of its allies. Russia, home to over a million Tajik migrants, became the key arena for these operations, providing its security services and legal mechanisms to facilitate the crackdown. Turkey, Belarus, and even EU countries such as Poland and Germany, due to weaknesses in their asylum systems or pressure from Dushanbe, inadvertently became battlegrounds for these repressive campaigns.
The Impact of Global Events: 2022 as a Turning Point
For Tajikistan, assassinations, abductions, deportations, and repressions have evolved beyond mere instruments of intimidation—they have become a demonstration of the regime’s power and impunity. Dushanbe has shown that it is capable of eliminating threats abroad without fear of international consequences. This approach gained new momentum after 2022, when the global political landscape shifted, and Russia’s war against Ukraine diverted international attention from the repressive actions of authoritarian regimes.
Transnational repression took on a new dimension after 2022, as Russia’s aggression against Ukraine reshaped the global political context. This conflict emboldened authoritarian regimes, including Tajikistan, to intensify control over their citizens. Russia, a long-standing ally of Dushanbe, demonstrated how coercive methods could effectively suppress dissent, prompting Rahmon to adopt more decisive measures. The lessons of Russian policy—from mass arrests to the isolation of opponents—were swiftly absorbed by Tajik authorities.
At the same time, internal crises, such as the protests in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) in May 2022, exposed the regime’s vulnerabilities and heightened its paranoia. The suppression of demonstrations—triggered by the killing of Gulbiddin Ziyobekov in November 2021 and the authorities’ arbitrary actions—resulted in dozens of casualties and hundreds of arrests. The response of the diaspora—protests in Europe and condemnation of the violence—provoked a new wave of repressions abroad. Activists such as Amriddin Alovatshoev, who organized demonstrations against the events in GBAO, soon disappeared from Russia, only to reappear in Tajikistan’s prisons, while their families faced persecution. This cycle—domestic crisis, diaspora response, transnational retaliation with pressure on relatives—has become a defining feature of Rahmon’s policies in recent years.
Russia as a Key Ally: Intelligence Agencies, Deportations, and Economic Influence
Russia plays a central role in sustaining Rahmon’s regime, providing political and practical support for suppressing the opposition. Cooperation between Tajikistan’s State Committee for National Security (GKNB) and Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) has become the foundation of transnational operations. With over two million Tajik migrants residing in Russia, the country has become the primary arena for abductions and deportations. A notable example is the case of Mahmadruzi Iskandarov, leader of the Democratic Party of Tajikistan, who was abducted in Moscow in 2005 and handed over to Dushanbe in violation of international norms. The European Court of Human Rights later ruled this a violation, but Russia ignored the decision. Since then, such incidents have become routine: activists from Group 24, the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), and independent bloggers regularly disappear from Russian cities, while their relatives in Tajikistan face arrests and blackmail.
Russia’s economic influence further reinforces Dushanbe’s dependence. Migrant remittances account for approximately 30% of Tajikistan’s GDP, making deportation a powerful tool of leverage. The Tajik authorities exploit this vulnerability, pressuring Moscow to extradite opposition figures under the pretext of migration violations. Furthermore, Russia provides extensive support to Tajikistan’s security forces, including the 201st military base—the largest Russian military facility abroad. Russian advisors train Tajik law enforcement personnel, while intelligence agencies from both countries coordinate operations, employing surveillance technologies to track and persecute opposition figures and their families not only in Russia but also in Europe and Turkey.
This alliance enables Rahmon to suppress dissent under the guise of counterterrorism—a narrative actively reinforced by Moscow. The banning of the IRPT in 2015, justified by an alleged threat to national stability, mirrored Russia’s rhetoric on “color revolutions.” Russia also supplies monitoring equipment, strengthening the regime’s control over the diaspora and the relatives of activists.
The Path to Power and Its Consolidation
Emomali Rahmon came to power in November 1992, assuming leadership of the Supreme Council of Tajikistan at the height of the country’s civil war (1992–1997). This conflict, which claimed over 150,000 lives and forced hundreds of thousands to flee, erupted after the collapse of the Soviet Union due to a struggle between the Communist elite, backed by Russia, and the United Tajik Opposition (UTO), which consisted of Islamists, democrats, and regional clans. Rahmon, a native of the Kulob region, represented the interests of the Kulobi elites, who secured victory with support from Moscow and Tashkent.
Initially, his rise to power was perceived as a step toward stabilization. Lacking significant political experience—before the war, he had been a state farm director and a local official—Rahmon skillfully exploited the crisis to strengthen his position. In 1994, he won an election that the opposition denounced as rigged, and in 1997, he signed a peace agreement with the UTO, officially ending the war. The agreement promised the opposition government positions, and Rahmon portrayed himself as a peacemaker. However, it soon became evident that he had no intention of sharing power. The 1999 referendum extended his term to seven years and removed restrictions on reelection, laying the foundation for lifelong rule. Gradually, Rahmon eliminated his rivals, using the war as a justification for repression—any criticism was branded as a threat to peace.
Tajikistan’s economic weakness, its dependence on Russia, and reliance on foreign aid further reinforced Rahmon’s control. Poverty and unemployment rendered the population vulnerable, and Rahmon positioned himself as the sole “guarantor of stability.” By the early 2000s, he had transformed into an authoritarian leader, relying on security structures and loyal clans to maintain his grip on power.
The Suppression of Domestic Opposition
The early years of Rahmon’s rule were marked by the systematic destruction of the opposition. Leaders of the UTO, such as Said Abdullo Nuri of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), who had been given government posts following the peace agreement, soon faced increasing pressure. Nuri died under suspicious circumstances in 2006, with many linking his death to political assassination. Other opposition figures were either forced into exile or arrested on extremism charges. In 1998, the IRPT was accused of orchestrating assassinations, leading to mass arrests.
Since 2010, the State Committee for National Security (GKNB), led by Saimumin Yatimov, has become the regime’s primary instrument of repression, exerting control over everything from religious practices to activists and their families. Elections have become a mere formality: in 2006, 2013, and 2020, Rahmon consistently secured victories with over 90% of the vote, eliminating any real competition. This created an illusion of national unity, but growing discontent forced the regime to seek enemies beyond the country’s borders.
The regime of Emomali Rahmon has systematically eradicated independent political forces through mass repression, arbitrary arrests, torture, and the physical elimination of opposition leaders. Freedom of speech has been destroyed, and independent journalists face imprisonment. Political dissent is suppressed through enforced disappearances, fabricated criminal cases, and brutal crackdowns.
Independent media outlets have also come under attack. The newspaper Charogi Ruz, known for its criticism of the regime, was shut down in the 2000s, and its founder, Dodojon Atovulloev, fled to Russia, where he survived an assassination attempt in 2012. Censorship has extended to television, radio, and the internet, and by the 2010s, independent sources of information in Tajikistan had been effectively eradicated. State propaganda glorified Rahmon as the “founder of peace,” while dissent was equated with treason.
Among the victims of the regime are opposition leaders such as Zayd Saidov, Mahmadruzi Iskandarov, Muhammadali Hait, Saidumar Husaini, Izzat Amon, Shokirjon Hakimov, Maksud Ibrahimov, Faromuz Ergashev, Suhrobi Zafar, and thousands of other political figures and activists. Dozens of journalists remain behind bars on fabricated charges, while the authorities continue to employ enforced disappearances and mass repression to crush any form of dissent. Many of them have been imprisoned on false charges, subjected to severe torture, or forced to flee the country.
Transition to Transnational Methods
The mass exodus of the population in the 2000s, driven by economic decline and repression, created a new challenge: the opposition had moved beyond the regime’s reach. The response was the adoption of transnational methods, the first example of which was the abduction of Mahmadruzi Iskandarov in 2005. Arrested in Moscow and secretly extradited to Tajikistan, he was sentenced to 23 years in prison. This case demonstrated the regime’s willingness to use Russia as an ally in its crackdown.
By the 2010s, extraterritorial repression had become systematic. In 2012, Abdulbasit Latipov disappeared in Russia, and his fate remains unknown. In Turkey, authorities began targeting emigrants who had fled purges in Tajikistan. The regime weaponized Interpol, issuing arrest warrants based on fabricated charges. In 2015, Maksim Ibragimov, the leader of a youth movement, was abducted in Moscow and sentenced to 17 years in prison. Pressure on activists’ families became another tool: relatives were intimidated, arrested, or stripped of their basic rights to silence opposition figures.
The shift toward such methods accelerated with the emergence of Group 24. Its activism triggered panic in Dushanbe, prompting the regime to deepen cooperation with Russian and Turkish intelligence services. The assassination of Umarali Kuvvatov in 2015 became a turning point, confirming the authorities’ willingness to eliminate opponents abroad and blackmail them through their loved ones.
Manipulation of International Institutions
Tajik authorities exploit Interpol to target opposition figures, issuing arrest warrants based on falsified accusations. In 2019, the brother-in-law of Sharofiddin Gadoev, Sadi Rakhmatov, was detained in Greece under such a warrant but was released after the political motivation behind the case was recognized. Similarly, Hisbullo Shovalizoda was extradited from Austria to Tajikistan in 2020 under fabricated terrorism charges, despite protests from the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). These cases illustrate how the regime views international mechanisms as tools to advance its repressive agenda.
Forced “Confessions” and Propaganda
Many abducted activists appear on Tajik state television delivering so-called “voluntary confessions.” In 2017, Said Qiyomidin Ghozi “repented” on air after being kidnapped—he was later sentenced to 25 years in prison and died under suspicious circumstances. In 2018, Naimjon Sameev was tortured into “confessing” and subsequently sentenced to 15 years. In 2022, the Vazirbekov brothers appeared in a state-produced video supposedly “voluntarily returning” to Tajikistan, clearly under duress, only to be sentenced to 16 years each. This method not only allows the regime to break individuals but also turns them into propaganda tools.
Repression Against Families as a Tool of Transnational Pressure: How Tajikistan’s Authoritarian Regime Suppresses Dissent
The authoritarian regime of Emomali Rahmon in Tajikistan has developed a sophisticated system of transnational repression aimed at silencing opposition both within the country and abroad. One of the key instruments of this policy is the persecution of the families of political activists who remain in Tajikistan, using them as leverage against those who continue their struggle from exile. In addition, the regime employs a broad arsenal of methods—including abductions, assassinations, and the manipulation of international institutions. These actions not only violate human rights but also create an atmosphere of fear that paralyzes any resistance.
One of the primary methods of transnational repression is the targeting of the relatives of opposition figures who remain in Tajikistan. This approach allows the regime to control activists abroad by turning their loved ones into hostages. A striking example is the case of Sharofiddin Gadoev, leader of the Movement for Reforms and Development of Tajikistan and co-founder of Group 24. Since 2012, his family has been subjected to constant interrogations and humiliation, and in 2014, the pressure intensified: his father, Mirzoali Gadoev, was beaten at the GKNB, which led to his illness and death in 2016. In 2015, his wife’s brothers were forced to divorce Gadoev’s sisters, and the family’s passports were confiscated. In 2017, his sister Hafizamo Gadoeva was detained at Kulob airport and accused of involvement in Group 24. In 2023, his mother, Oishamo Abdulloeva, was coerced into recording a video urging her son to return, and after Gadoev’s protests in Europe, her electricity was cut off as punishment.
This tactic has been used against other activists as well. In 2023, the mother of Farhod Odinaev had her electricity cut off without explanation, a clear response to his activities abroad. Suhrobi Zafar, leader of Group 24, faced the same retribution: his stepmother’s power was shut off in October 2023. The brother of opposition figure Shavkat Muhammad, Asliddin Sharipov, was sentenced to 12 years in prison in March 2023 to silence the activist. The mother of blogger Sherzod Mamadjonov (known on social media as Abdurahmon 09), Shohida Mamadjonova, was sentenced to six years in prison in 2022 under fabricated charges of supporting banned movements, though the real reason was her son’s critical videos from Germany.
One of the most egregious instances of mass repression against families occurred after the September 2023 protests in Berlin, when activists pelted Rahmon’s motorcade with eggs. In retaliation, the authorities detained around 50 relatives of the protesters, including elderly people and children, keeping them in custody for several days. Human Rights Watch condemned these actions as a blatant violation of human rights. These measures are designed to intimidate activists abroad, prevent the consolidation of the opposition, and maintain a climate of fear inside Tajikistan.
Escalation After 2014
The rise of Group 24 and the growing activism of the Tajik diaspora forced Rahmon to take harsher measures. In 2014, the movement was declared extremist, and Umarali Kuvvatov was placed on Interpol’s wanted list. His assassination in 2015 coincided with the banning of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) and the mass arrests of its leaders. From that point on, repression—including pressure on families—became systematic: in 2019, Sharofiddin Gadoev was abducted in Moscow, but due to international pressure, he was returned to the Netherlands.
By the 2020s, internal crises, such as the protests in Gorno-Badakhshan (GBAO), further escalated the repression. The regime began to use not only physical elimination but also blackmail through relatives: in 2023, following protests in Europe, dozens of opposition figures’ relatives were arrested. Geopolitical factors, particularly Russia’s growing influence in the region after 2014, further fueled this escalation. The assassination of Kuvvatov served as a catalyst, demonstrating that the regime was willing to eliminate opposition figures and control the diaspora across borders, using their families as instruments of pressure.
The Escalation of Transnational Repression: From Isolated Incidents to Systematic Suppression
The assassination of Umarali Kuvvatov in 2015 was not merely an act of political intimidation but also a signal of a new tactic employed by Emomali Rahmon’s regime—leveraging transnational repression to silence dissent. This incident marked the beginning of an extensive campaign targeting Tajik opposition figures abroad. Over the past decade, these repressive measures have evolved into a systematic strategy, extending across various regions of the world—from Moscow to Istanbul, and from Vienna, Warsaw, and Stockholm to Berlin.
To fully grasp the scale of this issue, it is essential to examine specific cases of transnational repression involving Tajikistan’s security services. These cases reveal the mechanisms used to suppress opposition, the geographical reach of such operations, and the inhumane methods deployed against political activists, journalists, and human rights defenders.
Examples of Transnational Repression
Mahmadruzi Iskandarov
One of the earliest known politicians subjected to transnational repression was Mahmadruzi Iskandarov, the leader of the Democratic Party of Tajikistan. In 2003, he opposed the extension of Emomali Rahmon’s presidential powers, making him a target of the regime. In December 2004, he was detained in Russia at the request of Tajik authorities but was soon released. However, in April 2005, Russian special services abducted Iskandarov and secretly transferred him to Dushanbe, where he was sentenced to 23 years in prison on terrorism charges. The European Court of Human Rights ruled that Iskandarov’s deportation was unlawful; however, Tajik authorities disregarded this ruling.
Abdulbasit Latipov
Abdulbasit Latipov, an activist, was abducted in Russia on December 8, 2010, and forcibly returned to Tajikistan. This case illustrates how Rahmon’s regime actively employs both local and international security services to persecute its political opponents.
Attempted Assassination of Dodojon Atovulloev
On January 12, 2012, an assassination attempt was carried out in Moscow against Tajik opposition journalist Dodojon Atovulloev. As the founder of Tajikistan’s first private newspaper, Charogi Ruz (“Light of the Day”), Atovulloev was a vocal critic of Emomali Rahmon’s regime. He was stabbed multiple times in the abdomen. Analysts characterized the attack as a contract killing orchestrated by Tajik special services.
Attempted Assassination of Bakhtiyor Sattori
On the night of February 20, 2013, independent political analyst and activist Bakhtiyor Sattori was hospitalized in Moscow with multiple stab wounds. Just two months earlier, in December 2012, he had participated in a press conference titled “Tajikistan: Foreboding of a New Civil War” alongside Umarali Kuvvatov, the leader of the opposition movement Group 24. During the event, Sattori criticized Rahmon’s regime and warned of potential political instability in Tajikistan. Experts believe the attack was a politically motivated contract assault, likely orchestrated by Tajik special services.
Ismon Azimov
Ismon Azimov, a Tajik political activist, was abducted on December 3, 2013, from a temporary detention center for migrants in Russia’s Tver region. He was secretly transported to Tajikistan, where he faced persecution.
Ekhson Odinaev
Ekhson Odinaev, a Tajik blogger and vocal critic of the Tajik regime, disappeared in St. Petersburg on May 19, 2015. His whereabouts remain unknown. Odinaev’s brother informed Human Rights Watch that Tajik authorities had issued direct threats against his life, stating: “We will find you and kill you.” Odinaev’s fate remains one of the most enigmatic among the numerous victims of the regime’s transnational repression.
Maksud Ibragimov
Maksud Ibragimov, the leader of the youth organization Youth of Tajikistan for Revival, was abducted on January 20, 2015, in Moscow. Prior to this, an attempt had been made on his life with a knife, resulting in multiple injuries. He was subsequently kidnapped and secretly transferred to Tajikistan, where he was sentenced to 17 years in prison. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention deemed his arrest and extradition unlawful; however, Tajik authorities ignored this ruling.
Abdunazarov Sokhibnazar
Abdunazarov Sokhibnazar, an activist of the Group 24 movement, was abducted in Belarus on July 29, 2017, and forcibly transferred to Tajikistan. In Dushanbe, he was sentenced to 20 years in prison.
Abdurakhim Vosiyev
Abdurakhim Vosiyev, also an activist of the Group 24 movement, was kidnapped in Russia on January 17, 2017, and secretly transported back to Tajikistan, where he was sentenced to 20 years in prison.
Maksud Gayosov
Maksud Gayosov, a Pamiri blogger, was detained in Moscow in 2022 and taken to an unknown location. The Pamiri people continue to face systematic oppression in various forms in Tajikistan.
Said Qiyomidin Ghozi
In November 2017, Said Qiyomidin Ghozi was abducted by Russian and Tajik special services in St. Petersburg and deported to Tajikistan. Shortly after his deportation, he appeared on Tajik state television, declaring that he had returned voluntarily and expressing remorse for his political activities. In May 2018, he was sentenced to 25 years in prison, and on May 20, 2019, he was killed while in custody.
Naimjon Sameev
Naimjon Sameev, a member of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan, was abducted in December 2018 in Grozny, Russia, and forcibly taken to Tajikistan. There, he was subjected to torture and coerced into making a public statement claiming that he had voluntarily returned and repented for his political activities. Despite promises of a pardon, on April 11, 2019, he was sentenced to 15 years in prison.
Sharofiddin Gadoev
Sharofiddin Gadoev, chairman of the Movement for Reforms and Development of Tajikistan and one of the founders of Group 24, was abducted in February 2019 in Moscow and forcibly transferred to Dushanbe. There, he was subjected to threats and physical abuse in an attempt to force him to renounce his political activities. Thanks to the intervention of the governments of the Netherlands and Germany, as well as pressure from international human rights organizations, Gadoev was released and returned to the Netherlands, where he continues his political work.
Khisbullo Shovalizoda
On March 21, 2019, Khisbullo Shovalizoda applied for asylum in Austria; however, his application was rejected due to pressure from Tajik authorities, who accused him of terrorism. On March 4, 2020, he was extradited to Tajikistan despite an intervention from the European Court of Human Rights, which had attempted to prevent his deportation. The following day, the General Prosecutor’s Office of Tajikistan announced his arrest on terrorism charges.
Amrullo Magzumov
Amrullo Magzumov was detained at Moscow’s Vnukovo Airport on May 16, 2019, at the request of Tajik authorities. Two days later, he was extradited to Tajikistan, where his whereabouts remained unknown for a week. It was later revealed that he was being held in a detention center in Dushanbe.
Shobuddin Badalov and Rakhmatjon Makhmadjonov
Shobuddin Badalov, a member of the Group 24 movement, disappeared in Russia in September 2020. He was later found in Tajikistan, where he was sentenced to seven years in prison. Similarly, Rakhmatjon Makhmadjonov, also an activist of Group 24, was abducted in Russia and later appeared in Tajikistan. In Dushanbe, he was sentenced to 20 years in prison.
Izzat Amon
Izzat Amon, a well-known advocate for the rights of labor migrants and a vocal critic of the Tajik government, was abducted in Moscow in March 2021. His whereabouts remained unknown for two days until the Tajik Ministry of Internal Affairs announced that he was in custody. Amon was sentenced to a lengthy prison term due to his political activism and criticism of the Tajik regime.
Amriddin Alovatshoev
Amriddin Alovatshoev, an activist who organized a protest near the Tajik embassy in Moscow in November 2021 in response to violence in Khorog, disappeared in early 2022 in Russia. It was later revealed that he had been secretly transferred to Tajikistan. Alovatshoev was sentenced to a lengthy prison term as part of broader repressions targeting activists who opposed the government’s use of force in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO).
Oraz and Ramzi Vazirbekov
On July 29, 2022, public activist Oraz Vazirbekov and his brother, Ramzi Vazirbekov, disappeared at Moscow’s Domodedovo Airport after arriving from Yekaterinburg. The next day, a video surfaced on the YouTube channel Behdosht TV, in which the brothers claimed to have voluntarily returned to Tajikistan to provide testimony regarding events in Khorog. Human rights organizations assert that the video was recorded under duress. It was later disclosed that both brothers were sentenced to 16 years in prison in Tajikistan, further demonstrating the use of transnational repression against opposition activists.
Nizomiddin Nasriddinov
Nizomiddin Nasriddinov, a political activist and member of Group 24, was extradited from Belarus to Tajikistan in July 2023. Despite holding refugee status granted by Germany, his detention and forced deportation were facilitated through cooperation between Tajik and Belarusian authorities. This case sparked outrage among human rights organizations, which strongly condemned the actions of both governments.
Emomali Kholov
Emomali Kholov, an associate of Izzat Amon and a prominent Tajik activist, disappeared in Russia in May 2022. Several months later, it was revealed that he had been forcibly taken to Tajikistan, where he was detained in Dushanbe’s detention center. His arrest and forced deportation are part of a broader campaign by the Tajik regime against opposition figures residing abroad.
Jonibek Chorshanbiyev, Muslim Navruzov, and Ruslan Pulodbekov
In July 2022, three activists from the Pamiri diaspora—Jonibek Chorshanbiyev, Muslim Navruzov, and Ruslan Pulodbekov—were forcibly deported from Russia to Tajikistan following official requests from Tajik authorities. On June 22, 2022, Jonibek Chorshanbiyev was deported and subsequently sentenced to 10 years in prison. Similarly, on June 11, 2022, Muslim Navruzov was deported and sentenced to 10 years in prison, while Ruslan Pulodbekov was also forcibly returned. Upon their return, they were subjected to severe repression and sentenced to lengthy prison terms. This case underscores the close cooperation between Russian and Tajik security services in executing transnational repression against opposition figures.
Sulaymon Jobirov
Sulaymon Jobirov, an activist affiliated with the political movement Group 24 and a native of the Vakhsh district, mysteriously disappeared on April 8, 2024, in Samara, Russia. He was later found in a detention center in Dushanbe, where he was sentenced to six years in prison. This case illustrates how Tajik special services employ covert methods to abduct opposition members from Russia and imprison them upon their forced return.
Sheravkan Mirov (Saifullo)
On December 18, 2023, Sheravkan Mirov, a former member of Group 24, known by the pseudonym Saifullo, was arrested in Moscow. A month later, he was secretly transferred to Tajikistan without a court decision. Upon arrival in Dushanbe, Mirov was sentenced to 17 years in prison for his political activities and criticism of the Tajik regime.
Sukhrob Zafar and Nasimjon Sharifov
Political opposition leader and Group 24 member Sukhrob Zafar, along with his associate Nasimjon Sharifov, was abducted in March 2024 in Istanbul, Turkey, and secretly transferred to Tajikistan. Their whereabouts remained unknown for five months, with Tajik authorities only acknowledging their detention after repeated inquiries from international human rights organizations. Both activists were subjected to severe torture and denied legal representation.
Qurbonvaliev Bilol
Qurbonvaliev Bilol, an activist affiliated with Group 24 who participated in a rally in Berlin in October 2023, was deported to Tajikistan despite holding asylum seeker status in Germany. He was subsequently sentenced to 10 years in prison. This case demonstrates that even international demonstrations and asylum applications do not guarantee protection for Tajik opposition members from transnational repression.
Abdullo Shamsiddin
Abdullo Shamsiddin, the son of Tajik opposition figure Shamsiddin Saidov, was deported from Germany to Tajikistan, where he was sentenced to seven years in prison. Despite his application for political asylum, German authorities, aware of his status as a wanted individual at Tajikistan’s request, failed to provide him with protection. His deportation sparked widespread concern, as Germany proceeded with the extradition despite the well-documented risk of persecution.
Farukh Ikramov
In April 2024, activist Farukh Ikramov, who had been denied both a residence permit and political asylum in Poland, was deported from the country. Upon arrival at Dushanbe airport, he was immediately detained by Tajik authorities. This case serves as yet another example of how the Tajik regime exploits international legal mechanisms to pursue its political opponents, even when they seek refuge in European countries.
Komyor Mirzoev
Komyor Mirzoev, a native of the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO), was detained on charges of organizing and participating in a criminal association (Article 187, Part 2 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Tajikistan). On September 7, 2022, the Moscow Prosecutor’s Office ruled for his release, citing a lack of evidence provided by Tajikistan. However, shortly after his release, Mirzoev was secretly transferred to Tajikistan, where he remains imprisoned in a detention center in Dushanbe. A source from the Tajik Ministry of Internal Affairs confirmed his detention but declined to disclose further details. Mirzoev, a civil activist and blogger, was later sentenced to 10 years in prison.
Chorshanbi Chorshanbiyev
In December 2021, a Moscow court ordered the deportation of MMA fighter Chorshanbi Chorshanbiyev from Russia for violating migration laws. He was deported to Tajikistan on the night of December 30. Upon his arrival in Dushanbe, Chorshanbiyev was immediately detained and transferred to the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). He was accused of inciting national hatred and calling for the overthrow of the government, based on allegedly provocative statements made on social media, including Instagram, where he was accused of inciting mass unrest. In May 2022, Chorshanbiyev was sentenced to 8.5 years in prison for allegedly calling for a coup in Tajikistan.
Parviz Goibnazarov and Ruslan Lashkarbekov
At the end of July 2022, Parviz Goibnazarov, a native of the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO), was forcibly deported from Moscow to Tajikistan. At the request of Tajik authorities, he was handed over to Tajik security services and subsequently sentenced to 18 years in prison. Ruslan Lashkarbekov was detained in Moscow on August 2, 2022, also at the request of Tajikistan. Without any legal proceedings, he was forcibly sent to Tajikistan, where, on August 4, 2022, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison.
Akram Saidgulov
On January 26, 2023, Akram Saidgulov, a native of GBAO, was detained in Russia while traveling by bus to work. Tajik security services, in coordination with Russian law enforcement, apprehended him. Saidgulov was deported to Tajikistan at the request of the authorities and, on the same day, sentenced to eight years in prison.
Mamadbok Atobekov
On September 1, 2024, civil activist Mamadbok Atobekov, originally from the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region, was detained in Moscow. According to sources close to him, two officers from the Tajik Ministry of Internal Affairs, accompanied by local police, arrived at his residence to carry out the arrest. Following his detention, Atobekov was secretly transferred to Tajikistan, where his fate remained unknown for some time. He has since been sentenced to 10 years in prison.
Dilmurod Ergashev
On October 28, 2024, Tajik opposition activist Dilmurod Ergashev was detained in the German city of Kleve, after which a court ruled to deport him to his home country. Aware of the imminent threat of repression in Tajikistan, on November 5—the day of his deportation—Ergashev attempted to take his own life by inflicting cuts on his abdomen and arms, severely damaging his veins. Police officers found him lying in a pool of blood in his deportation prison cell. Despite receiving medical assistance, the deportation was not canceled.
On November 6, 2024, Dilmurod Ergashev was deported from Germany. Upon his arrival in Dushanbe on November 7, he was immediately detained by local authorities. The following day, on November 8, the Sino District Court of Dushanbe ruled to place him in pre-trial detention for two months.
Farhod Negmatov
The deportation of activist Farhod Negmatov from Sweden on December 27, 2024, and his subsequent arrest in Tajikistan represent yet another example of the transnational repression carried out by Emomali Rahmon’s regime against opposition figures abroad. Despite his name not appearing on any wanted lists, Negmatov was detained immediately upon arrival in Dushanbe, indicating coordination between European countries and Tajik authorities. This case highlights the ongoing threat faced by political refugees, who, despite seeking asylum abroad, remain at risk of forced repatriation and persecution in their homeland.
His deportation poses significant dangers, including the risk of torture and persecution in Tajikistan. His case has drawn strong criticism from international human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, which have condemned the decision as a violation of fundamental human rights.
Recommendations
Based on an in-depth analysis of the report, the following recommendations are proposed to counter transnational repression by the Tajik regime and protect human rights:
1. For Democratic States (EU, USA, UK, Canada, Japan):
• Recognize the regime of Emomali Rahmon as a systematic violator of human rights and impose targeted sanctions on key figures responsible for transnational repression, including the leadership of the State Committee for National Security (particularly Saimumin Yatimov), intelligence officers, and high-ranking officials involved in fabricating cases and orchestrating extraditions.
• Freeze the assets of Tajik authorities and their families in Western jurisdictions and impose travel bans on them within democratic countries.
• Strengthen the protection of political refugees from Tajikistan by revising asylum procedures to account for the risk of deportation and subsequent repression. Deny extradition requests from Dushanbe that are politically motivated.
• Provide financial and legal support to the Tajik diaspora and human rights organizations combating repression, including the Foundation for the Defence of Democracy in Central Asia (FDDCA).
2. For International Organizations (UN, OSCE, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, etc.):
• The United Nations (UN) should initiate an independent investigation into Tajikistan’s transnational repression through the UN Human Rights Council, followed by a report to the General Assembly, with the potential for imposing international sanctions.
• The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) should enhance monitoring of human rights violations in Tajikistan, including establishing a special mission to document abuses and pressure exerted on the diaspora.
• Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch should continue documenting cases of repression, publishing regular reports, and advocating for measures against the Rahmon regime at the international level.
• All organizations should call on Interpol to revise its arrest warrant procedures to prevent authoritarian regimes from exploiting them for political purposes.
3. Additional Measures:
• Establish an international coalition to coordinate efforts in combating transnational repression, including sharing intelligence on cases of abductions and forced deportations.
• Support independent media outlets and platforms of the Tajik diaspora to raise awareness about human rights violations and consolidate opposition forces.
• Appeal to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) to enforce rulings on cases involving victims of repression, such as Mahmadruzi Iskandarov, and hold states accountable for breaching their international obligations.
Conclusion
The transnational repression of the Tajik regime under Emomali Rahmon poses not only a direct threat to Tajik citizens but also challenges the principles of international law and democratic values. The assassination of Umarali Kuvvatov in 2015 marked the beginning of a well-established system of suppressing dissent, which has expanded its geographical reach and methods over the past decade. From abductions and targeted killings to blackmailing dissidents through their families and manipulating international institutions—these actions illustrate the regime’s impunity and its willingness to cooperate with allies like Russia to achieve its objectives.
Without a decisive response from the international community, this policy will continue to destroy lives, destabilize the region, and weaken global human rights protections. Democratic states, including the EU, USA, UK, Canada, and Japan, must adopt strict measures, such as sanctions and enhanced refugee protection, to stop the “long arms of Dushanbe.” International organizations, such as the UN, OSCE, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch, must intensify monitoring and pressure on the regime to ensure accountability and justice.
This report is not only a testimony to the crimes of the Tajik authorities but also a call to action. Ignoring this issue is tantamount to complicity in the suppression of freedom and human dignity. Only through collective efforts can impunity be eradicated and justice restored for the victims of transnational repression.
Foundation for the Defence of Democracy in Central Asia